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পাকিস্তান পরিস্থিতি ৩

May 21, 2013

২৫ আগস্ট ২০১০, বুধবার

আলিফ-এ আল্লাহ (আগে ছিল আনার), বে-তে বন্দুক (আগে ছিল বকরি), জিম-এ জিহাদ ( আগে ছিল জাহাজ) এভাবে উর্দু অক্ষর ও শব্দের প্রথম পাঠ দেয়া হচ্ছে পাকিস্তানে। পাবলিক স্কুলের র‌্যাডিকেল পরিবর্তনের কথা লিখছেন আলি কে চিশতি। তার মতে এসবের মূল

I was on a television programme discussing radicalisation when one of the panellists boasted how one mard-e-mujahid is equal to 10 infidels. This compelled me to ponder how and when did the radicalisation of Pakistanis really start. The popular myth is that Ziaul Haq sowed the seeds of radicalisation but, in reality, institutionalised radicalisation of Pakistanis started in the late 1950s when the Iqbalian concepts of mard-e-momin and shaheen were promoted, much like the Nazis originally promoted the concept of the superman of Nietzsche. Interestingly, the security establishment promoted Iqbal’s idea post the 1958 coup to undermine civilian rule and tried to revise the status of Allama Iqbal as one of the original founders (note that Iqbal was not the national poet until 1958) because the army had traditionally been uneasy with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, a staunch secularist, as head of the state. Ayub obviously had a bone or two to pick with Jinnah due to Jinnah’s tough stance on the role of the armed forces.

And we transformed ourselves to Nietzsche’s idea when Pakistan, a newly born ill-equipped nation 1/5th the size of India, confidently initiated Operation Gibraltar and later Kargil, intoxicated by the one Muslim equals 10 Hindus syndrome. We all know what happened next. The expulsion of the USSR from Afghanistan and the failure to produce adequate secessionists in our immediate neighbouring countries to further our lofty and godly foreign policy designs led to a total breakdown of the strategy of using non-state actors as instruments of foreign policy execution, but we never learnt lessons from history. In fact, the ideology of religious radicalism mixed with political secessionism which we used to promote ‘strategic depth’ and manufacture the Frankenstein’s monster of the Taliban post-9/11 came back to haunt our country. Today, only because of this radicalisation of over half a century, Pakistan is forced to use its armed forces and wage a war on its own population in order to reintegrate them into the mainstream. The situation now is such that the ideological spillover of fundamentalism has led to a radicalisation of the polity within Pakistan. The earlier political phenomenon of having opposition parties supporting fundamentalism now has an armed dimension too, making things even more dangerous.

বিস্তারিত পড়ুন এখানে

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৬ জানুয়ারি ২০১১

সালমান তাসির হত্যাকাণ্ডের পর পাকিস্তানের নাগরিকদের লজ্জাজনক প্রতিক্রিয়া নিয়ে মোহাম্মদ হানিফ লিখছেন, সেসাথে ব্লাসফেমি বা ইসলাম ধর্মের অবমাননার বা মুহম্মদকে অবমাননার একটা সাম্প্রতিক ঘটনা সম্বন্ধে জানাচ্ছেন মোহাম্মদ হানিফ

How Pakistan responded to Salmaan Taseer’s assassination

Many in Pakistan felt that the governor’s critique of blasphemy laws made his death, if not justifiable, understandable – and others went even further

Rally in memory of Salman Taseer

A candle-lit rally in memory of Salmaan Taseer, who was assassinated on Tuesday. Photograph: Rizwan Tabassum/AFP/Getty Images

Minutes after the murder of the governor of Pakistan’s Punjab province Salmaan Taseer I saw a veteran Urdu columnist on a news channel. He was being what, in breaking news jargon, is called a “presenter’s friend”. “It is sad of course that this has happened but . . .”I watched in the desperate hope that he wouldn’t go into the ifs and buts of a brutal murder in the middle of Pakistan‘s capital. By this time we knew that Governor Taseer had been shot dead by a man in police uniform, probably one of his own police guards. The news ticker on screen informed us that the postmortem was under way. Later we would find out that he took 27 bullets. Not a single shot was fired by his security detail. It seemed too early for analysis, but the presenter’s friend looked mildly smug, as if he had been mulling over arguments in his head long before the governor was shot. Although it wasn’t required, the presenter egged him on. “But you see these are sensitive matters. He should have watched his words. He shouldn’t have spoken so carelessly.”What were the late governor’s words? I knew about his outspoken stance on the case of Asia Bibi, a Christian woman sentenced to death in a blasphemy case. In a village near Lahore, she served water to some Muslim women who refused to drink it from her glass. (This is quite a common expression of prejudice against lower-caste Christians in Pakistan.) They argued. A couple of days later, the village mullah filed a case saying she had insulted our Prophet.I knew about his habit of making fun of his political foes, mostly through Twitter. But I still wanted to find out what his exact words were. If a billionaire who is also a governor and enjoys the highest level of security imaginable in Pakistan, can be shot for saying something, it’s in everyone’s interest to find out what those words were. I mean what if you were to utter those words by mistake?The presenter chipped in helpfully. “Yes, he did call our blasphemy law a black law.” Thoughtfully, the presenter’s friend nodded his head in agreement.Murder solved.Only last month I had followed another blasphemy case. A pharmaceutical salesman walked into a well respected paediatrician’s clinic in the city of Hyderabad and tried to sell him his company’s medicines. The good doctor was in a bad mood. He tossed the salesman’s visiting card in the bin. The very next day the salesman got together some local religious party activists and got a blasphemy case registered against the doctor.How did the wily salesman manage to achieve that?

You see, Mohammed was part of salesman’s name, as it is with half the male population of this country, including this scribe. So if you toss away a piece of paper with the word Mohammed written on it, you are obviously committing a blasphemy against our beloved Prophet. And there is a law against that in this country, introduced by Pakistan’s military dictator and part-architect of the global jihad industry, General Ziaul Haq. The law is popularly known as the Namoos-e-Risalat Act; the law to protect the honour of the Prophet, and there is only one punishment: death by hanging. A number of non-Muslims as well as Muslims have been awarded this punishment, but nobody has actually been hanged yet. Higher courts usually overturn the punishment. In many cases a mob, or motivated gunmen, have carried out the punishment themselves.

Taseer had obviously not committed any blasphemy against the Holy Prophet or any namesake of his. As coverage progresses, politicians and pundits lectured the dead governor about the importance of choosing one’s words carefully and respecting the sensitivities of one’s fellow Muslims, especially if one lives in a Muslim country. A couple of liberal TV journalists almost stumbled over their words trying to explain that the governor had never committed any act that could be called blasphemous, he had only criticised a law. It is a man-made law, we were reminded by an occasional sensible voice. And the governor only criticised that man-made law, “because no true Muslim,” every single politician, journalist, pundit was at pains to point out, “can even think of committing blasphemy against the Holy Prophet.” As if it were a proven fact that all non-Muslims have nothing better to do than thinking of devious ways of maligning our Holy Prophet’s name. They were careful to add “may peace be upon him” every time the name was mentioned. Some of them offered to sacrifice their own lives to protect the honour of our Holy Prophet.

It sickened me to think that the honour of the Prophet of the second largest religion in the world needed protection from these people. And then it occurred to me that they were actually sending secret signals to any would be killers that said, “Look we speak the same language, we are not blasphemers like that governor guy. We watch our words. We know about the sensitivities of our Muslim brothers. In fact we are as sensitive as you are.”

Taseer’s body was still in the morgue when I started to find out more about the sensitivities of our people. Whereas most people rushed home and sat glued to their TVs, probably agreeing or disagreeing with those TV presenters, many of those interviewed at random seemed to approve. “Well, murder is wrong, but he did say bad things about our Prophet,” one man said. Another claimed that if he had got a chance he would do the same thing. When asked how they knew that Taseer had committed blasphemy, they just shrugged as if saying they just knew. As if they had decided that he just seemed like the kind of guy who would do something like this.

Even before Taseer was given a burial, his killer had become a hero of sorts. Constable Mumtaz Qadri belonged to Punjab’s Elite Force, a police force usually deployed to provide security to VIPs. And although he had acted alone, at least some of his colleagues knew that he was planning to assassinate the governor. He had made them promise that they wouldn’t shoot him in the act. Hence, after pumping 27 bullets into the governor’s body, he calmly handed himself over to his colleagues who had apparently kept their promise. They tied his hands and legs with a nylon rope and took him away. By the evening, Qadri’s picture had replaced a thousand profile pictures on Facebook. He was a mujahid, a lion, a true hero of Islam. We wish there were more of him.

Little is known about Qadri at this stage, except that he attended pro-blasphemy law rallies and was considered a bit of a religious nut. His name tells us that he wasn’t born into the kind of family where lessons of jihad are served with school meals. Qadris are a subsect of Barelvi Sunni Muslims, who were traditionally more likely to enjoy Qawwali music and distributing rice pudding to celebrate their spirituality. Pakistan has seen so much sectarian strife over the last two decades that no single group is now above the fray. Last year, a wave of suicide bombings across the country targeted Sufi shrines, the places millions of Pakistanis have traditionally preferred to mosques. Now the devotees of these shrines publicly pledge to save them through an armed struggle. But when it comes to the honour of our Holy Prophet the devotees of these shrines and those who consider this whole shrine thing a big bad blasphemy, all come together. And everyone else stays silent or applauds them on Facebook.

So who are these people who lionise the cold-blooded murderer? Your regular kids, really. Some Pakistani bloggers have tried to get these fan pages banned for inciting hate. But as soon as one shuts down, another five crop up. Those who have trawled the profiles of these supporters have said that they have MBA degrees, they follow Premier League football, they love the Pirates of the Caribbean films. Miley Cyrus figures on lots of these pages. And as the Pakistani blogger who blogs under the name Kala Kawa pointed out: “If you go through the profiles of Qadri supporters on Facebook, you’d think Justin Bieber was the cause of extremism in Pakistan.”

Many of Taseer’s Twitter followers were retweeting his old messages full of courage, humour and, above all, his humanity, his decision to stand with Pakistan’s most powerless citizen, a poor non-Muslim woman languishing in a death cell. In one of his messages, he had said that he’d not bow down even if he was the last man standing. Only eight hours before his assassination, he tweeted an Urdu couplet by Shakeel Badayuni featured and translated by a Pakistani media blog Cafe Pyala:

“My resolve is so strong that I do not fear the flames from without

I fear only the radiance of the flowers, that it might burn my garden down.”

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৯ জানুয়ারি ২০১১

তালিবানুড়ে। taliban charmar.

তালিবানুড়ে। taliban charmar.

পাকিস্তানি কার্টুনিস্ট খালিদ হোসাইনের এই কার্টুনটির বাংলা ক্যাপশন করতে গিয়ে একটি শব্দই তৈরি করতে হল : তালিবানুড়ে। পশ্চিমাশক্তির পাকিস্তান ও আফগানিস্তানে এখন প্রধান পরিচয় ওরা তালিবানুড়ে, তাদের সাথে আছে পাকিস্তান ও আফগানিস্তানের অনেক স্থানীয় তালিবানুড়ে, তার সাথে বিশ্বজুড়ে ইসলামি সম্প্রদায়ের মধ্যেও আছে অনেক তালিবানুড়ে, আছে উপমহাদেশের সবচেয়ে প্রভাবশালী দেশ ভারত জুড়ে অনেক তালিবানুড়ে। তালিবান তৈরির যুগ হয়ত শেষ হয়ে গেছে আসছে তালিবান বশীকরণের যুগ। সবাই মিলে পোষ মানাতে পারবে তো? তালিবানরা তালিবানুড়ের বাঁশি শুনে সাপের মত পোষ মানবে তো? সাপের মতোই তালিবানুড়েরা সাপের বিষদাঁত আগে ভেঙ্গে নিতে পারবে তো?
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৪ মে ২০১১, বুধবার
আমেরিকার অন্য দেশের ভূখণ্ডে বিচার বর্হিভূত লাদেন সংহার এবং এই হত্যাকাণ্ড বিষয়ে সেদেশের সর্বোচ্চ প্রশাসনের বিবৃতির মাধ্যমে একথা বলা যে, ওই অপারেশন সম্পূর্ণ আমেরিকার — তাহলে পাকিস্তান রাষ্ট্রটির অবস্থান কী দাঁড়াল? পাকিস্তান এবার সত্যিই রাষ্ট্রের পরিচয় হারাল। এই সংকট পাকিস্তানকে কোথায় নিয়ে যাবে? ওবামা লাদেনকে মারলেন না পাকিস্তান রাষ্ট্রকে?
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৭ মে ২০১১, শনিবার
দেখে শুনে মনে হচ্ছে লাদেনকাণ্ডে আমেরিকা পাকিস্তান আর্মিতে নতুন কোনো মেরুকরণ করতে সমর্থ হয়েছে। কায়ানি-পাশা জুটি মনে হয় এখন অনেক দূরের মানুষ। আগামী জুলাইয়ে আমেরিকা আফগানিস্তান ছেড়ে আসবে। সেই সোভিয়েতের বিরুদ্ধে আফগান যুদ্ধে পাকিস্তান আর্মি যেমন ছিল আমেরিকার এক নম্বর শক্তি, এই জুলাইয়ের পরে যখন আফগানিস্তানকে সত্যিকার অর্থে জাতিরাষ্ট্র হিসাবে গড়ে তুলতে হবে — তখনও পাকিস্তান আর্মিকেই তার সবচেয়ে বড় শক্তি হিসাবে চাইছে আমেরিকা। এই পাকিস্তান আর্মিকে (সামান্য ভাগ সিভিল প্রশাসনকে) এপর্যন্ত সন্ত্রাস বিরোধী যুদ্ধের নামে ১৮ বিলিয়ন ডলার দিয়েছে আমেরিকা, আর লাদেনকে মারার আগ পর্যন্ত সন্ত্রাস বিরোধী যুদ্ধের নামে ইরাকে আফগানিস্তানে আমেরিকার মোট খরচ হয়ে গেছে ২০০০ বিলিয়ন ডলার। এখন ওই আফগানিস্তানে জাতিগঠনের লক্ষ্যে নেমে পড়া ছাড়া আমেরিকার আর কিছুই করার নেই, আর এই কাজে ওর চাই একটা নতুন মেরুর পাকিস্তান আর্মি — লাদেনকাণ্ডের মাধ্যমে এই আর্মির ভেতরে সেরকম লোকজন পেয়ে গেছেই বলে মনে হচ্ছে আমেরিকা।
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২০ নভেম্বর ২০১১, রবিবার
এই যে মন্তব্যটি করেছিলাম ৭ মে সম্পূর্ণ নিজের পর্যবেক্ষণে, এখন ‘মেমোগেট’ নামে যেখবর চাউর হয়েছে তাতে তো অন্য অর্থে আমার ওই পর্যবেক্ষণকে ঠিকই মনে হচ্ছে। পাকিস্তান আর্মিকে পরিবর্তনের প্রচেষ্টা তাহলে হয়েছিল, তাহলে সেই পরিবর্তন হয়নি কেন? হয়ত, ইসলামাবাদ ও ওয়াশিংটনের উচ্চক্ষমতাশালীরা রাওয়ালপিন্ডির মৌচাকে ঢিল ছোঁড়ার সাহস ও সদিচ্ছা আজো অর্জন করতে পারেনি।

The US raid on Osama bin Laden’s hideout in Abbottabad on May 1 was too big an event not to impact Pakistan’s internal politics. Six months later we are now getting some sense of how Pakistan’s civil military relations played out in the immediate aftermath of bin Laden’s execution.
In return for US support for the elected leadership in Pakistan, President Asif Ali Zardari was apparently ready to overhaul Pakistan’s security policy, disband the notorious ‘S’ section that runs the insurgent groups like the Taliban and Haqqani network and the Lashkar e Toiba and hand over the plotters of 26/11 to India.

In an op-ed published in the ‘Financial Times’ of London in October, Mansoor Izaj, an American citizen and occasional conduit between Washington and Islamabad, claimed that Zardari wanted to send a desperate message to Washington outside the normal diplomatic channels in the first week of May.

The message was simple enough: Please stop the army chief Gen. Ashfaq Pervez Kayani from a coup against the civilian government.

Ijaz claims that Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States Hussain Haqqani was the author of the memo and had asked him on behalf of Zardari to deliver it to Adm Mike Mullen, the Chairman, US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the principal American interlocutor to Kayani.

Adm Mullen initially said he could not recollect meeting Ijaz or receiving any memo. Earlier this week, Mullen confirmed that a memo had indeed reached him through another senior U.S. official who was approached by Ijaz.

As clamour mounts in Pakistan for the head of Amb Haqqani, who has apparently offered to resign, the full text of the memo has been put out on the internet today and makes fascinating reading.

The memo offered six very important steps from the civilian leadership in return for US backing against Kayani’s coup plans.

One, to order an independent inquiry into the allegations that the Army or ISI had sheltered bin Laden. Two, to punish those in the security establishment who protected bin Laden.

Three, to set up a new national security team that will either hand over the top leaders of the international terror networks based in Pakistan or let the U.S. forces conduct operations against them.

Four, to bring the management of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons arsenal under greater transparency. Five, to eliminate the notorious section ‘S’ of the ISI.

Finally, to bring all those in Pakistan responsible for the Mumbai attack on 26/11 to book and hand them over to India.

All these are steps that Washington, Delhi and much of the world would have welcomed. The fact, however, is the coup never happened. We don’t know if the United States worked actively to prevent it. Nor has the civilian leadership wrested control of national security policy from the Army.

পড়ুন : Pakistan’s memo-gate: the coup that wasn’t

The US raid on Osama bin Laden’s hideout in Abbottabad on May 1 was too big an event not to impact Pakistan’s internal politics. Six months later we are now getting some sense of how Pakistan’s civil military relations played out in the immediate aftermath of bin Laden’s execution.In return for US support for the elected leadership in Pakistan, President Asif Ali Zardari was apparently ready to overhaul Pakistan’s security policy, disband the notorious ‘S’ section that runs the insurgent groups like the Taliban and Haqqani network and the Lashkar e Toiba and hand over the plotters of 26/11 to India.In an op-ed published in the ‘Financial Times’ of London in October, Mansoor Izaj, an American citizen and occasional conduit between Washington and Islamabad, claimed that Zardari wanted to send a desperate message to Washington outside the normal diplomatic channels in the first week of May.The message was simple enough: Please stop the army chief Gen. Ashfaq Pervez Kayani from a coup against the civilian government.Ijaz claims that Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States Hussain Haqqani was the author of the memo and had asked him on behalf of Zardari to deliver it to Adm Mike Mullen, the Chairman, US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the principal American interlocutor to Kayani.Adm Mullen initially said he could not recollect meeting Ijaz or receiving any memo. Earlier this week, Mullen confirmed that a memo had indeed reached him through another senior U.S. official who was approached by Ijaz.As clamour mounts in Pakistan for the head of Amb Haqqani, who has apparently offered to resign, the full text of the memo has been put out on the internet today and makes fascinating reading.

The memo offered six very important steps from the civilian leadership in return for US backing against Kayani’s coup plans.

One, to order an independent inquiry into the allegations that the Army or ISI had sheltered bin Laden. Two, to punish those in the security establishment who protected bin Laden.

Three, to set up a new national security team that will either hand over the top leaders of the international terror networks based in Pakistan or let the U.S. forces conduct operations against them.

Four, to bring the management of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons arsenal under greater transparency. Five, to eliminate the notorious section ‘S’ of the ISI.

Finally, to bring all those in Pakistan responsible for the Mumbai attack on 26/11 to book and hand them over to India.

All these are steps that Washington, Delhi and much of the world would have welcomed. The fact, however, is the coup never happened. We don’t know if the United States worked actively to prevent it. Nor has the civilian leadership wrested control of national security policy from the Army.

While the memo is very interesting, it is probably just the tip of the iceberg. Whether it will have a big effect on Pakistan will depend on more significant information being put out by one party or another in Washington, Rawalpindi and Islamabad.

– See more at: http://www.indianexpress.com/news/pakistans-memogate-the-coup-that-wasnt/877690/0#sthash.3urdtYrg.dpuf

মেমোরেন্ডামটি পড়ুন, এখানে

আরো পড়ুন : Secret Pakistani-U.S. memo offering overthrow of military leadership revealed

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৭ ডিসেম্বর ২০১১, বুধবার

মেমোগেট-এর পথ ধরেই কি অসুস্থ জারদারি দুবাই-তে, বলা হচ্ছে হৃদযন্ত্রের সমস্যা, তিনি ইস্তফাও দিতে পারেন। অবশ্য গত সেপ্টেম্বরে লন্ডনে তার হৃদযন্ত্রের অবস্থা চমৎকার বলা হয়েছিল। সবই হাস্যকর! দেখা যাক শেষ পর্যন্ত কী হয়।

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari, who abruptly left the Pakistan capital for Dubai, has suffered a minor heart attack and some in the US government believe he may even resign on account of “ill-health”, a media report said.

Zardari Tuesday evening left for Dubai to visit his children and also to undergo some medical tests, Pakistan’s official news agency Associated Press of Pakistan had reported.

Though the president’s personal physician Col Salman said the proposed medical tests are of routine nature and are linked to a previously diagnosed cardiovascular condition, the Foreign Policy magazine quoted a former US official as saying that parts of the US government were informed that Zardari had a “minor heart attack” Monday night. He had flown to Dubai via an air ambulance.

Zardari may have to undergo an angioplasty procedure Wednesday and may also resign on account of “ill health”, the media report said.

পড়ুন : Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari suffers heart attack, may quit: Report

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১২ জানুয়ারি ২০১২, বৃহস্পতিবার

হ্যাঁ, এর মধ্যে অনেক কিছুই তো হল ওই ‘মেমোগেট’ নিয়ে কিন্তু এখনও তো তেমন কিছু হল না, যাকে হওয়া বলা যায়। এই ‘মেমোগেট’ যুদ্ধে আর সব ইসলামাবাদ-রাওয়ালপিন্ডি যুদ্ধের মতো রাওয়ালপিন্ডিই জিতবে? আগামী এক সপ্তাহের মধ্যে আমরা এর উত্তর পেয়ে যাব আশা করা যায়। উত্তরটার জন্য আমার অন্ধবাজি এবার ইসলামাবাদ জিতবে।

The US raid on Osama bin Laden’s hideout in Abbottabad on May 1 was too big an event not to impact Pakistan’s internal politics. Six months later we are now getting some sense of how Pakistan’s civil military relations played out in the immediate aftermath of bin Laden’s execution.In return for US support for the elected leadership in Pakistan, President Asif Ali Zardari was apparently ready to overhaul Pakistan’s security policy, disband the notorious ‘S’ section that runs the insurgent groups like the Taliban and Haqqani network and the Lashkar e Toiba and hand over the plotters of 26/11 to India.In an op-ed published in the ‘Financial Times’ of London in October, Mansoor Izaj, an American citizen and occasional conduit between Washington and Islamabad, claimed that Zardari wanted to send a desperate message to Washington outside the normal diplomatic channels in the first week of May.The message was simple enough: Please stop the army chief Gen. Ashfaq Pervez Kayani from a coup against the civilian government.Ijaz claims that Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States Hussain Haqqani was the author of the memo and had asked him on behalf of Zardari to deliver it to Adm Mike Mullen, the Chairman, US Joint Chiefs of Staff and the principal American interlocutor to Kayani.Adm Mullen initially said he could not recollect meeting Ijaz or receiving any memo. Earlier this week, Mullen confirmed that a memo had indeed reached him through another senior U.S. official who was approached by Ijaz.

As clamour mounts in Pakistan for the head of Amb Haqqani, who has apparently offered to resign, the full text of the memo has been put out on the internet today and makes fascinating reading.

The memo offered six very important steps from the civilian leadership in return for US backing against Kayani’s coup plans.

One, to order an independent inquiry into the allegations that the Army or ISI had sheltered bin Laden. Two, to punish those in the security establishment who protected bin Laden.

Three, to set up a new national security team that will either hand over the top leaders of the international terror networks based in Pakistan or let the U.S. forces conduct operations against them.

Four, to bring the management of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons arsenal under greater transparency. Five, to eliminate the notorious section ‘S’ of the ISI.

Finally, to bring all those in Pakistan responsible for the Mumbai attack on 26/11 to book and hand them over to India.

All these are steps that Washington, Delhi and much of the world would have welcomed. The fact, however, is the coup never happened. We don’t know if the United States worked actively to prevent it. Nor has the civilian leadership wrested control of national security policy from the Army.

While the memo is very interesting, it is probably just the tip of the iceberg. Whether it will have a big effect on Pakistan will depend on more significant information being put out by one party or another in Washington, Rawalpindi and Islamabad.

– See more at: http://www.indianexpress.com/news/pakistans-memogate-the-coup-that-wasnt/877690/0#sthash.3urdtYrg.dpuf

Pakistan’s memo-gate: the coup that wasn’t

Pakistan’s memo-gate: the coup that wasn’t
Pakistan’s memo-gate: the coup that wasn’t

Pakistan’s memo-gate: the coup that wasn’t

Pakistan’s memo-gate: the coup that wasn’t

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